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July 25, 2007

National Trust goes green

The National Trust is to celebrate reaching a 3.5 million-membership landmark by changing its focus. No longer will it just look after the buildings and artefacts that constitute our national heritage. Now it will “advise people how to adapt their lifestyles to climate change and challenge government to be more ecologically aware.” How is it beginning? By throwing its weight behind opposition against the expansion of Stansted airport.

As it so happens, there are a number of simple things that the National Trust could initiate in order to reduce its own ‘carbon footprint’, if indeed that is to be considered a genuine priority. The most obvious would be to eliminate the farming of animals on all its land. Since, according to the currently popular theory of anthropogenic climate change, world meat consumption is a large contributor to global warming, this would mean the National Trust would reduce its own contribution to climate change and be taking a principled stand for other landowners to follow. Indeed, they could set aside their land not for carbon inefficient British agriculture but to grow more forests to act as carbon sinks. Whether the National Trust will commit do doing this remains to be seen.

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October 26, 2006

New Labour's New Maths: How to Get Less from More

In his last budget, Gordon Brown pledged to increase public expenditure so as to bring funding per child in state schools into line with the average costs per child in the independent sector. This move would involve increasing annual state spending per child from £5,000 to £8,000. According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies, to close this gap, the Exchequer would need to spend an extra £17 billion per annum.

According to a report in today’s Times, the Chancellor has just been taken to task for this pledge by the House of Commons Select Committee on Education. They have argued to carry it out would only anger tax-payers unless the extra spending could be shown to result in improved performance by state schools.

To date, there has been little precious sign of extra spending in this sector having done so. According to the same news report, during the last eight years in which New Labour has been in power, annual public expenditure on education has increased by over 50%, yet last year only just over a quarter of pupils from state schools managed to obtain good GCSE grades in English, mathematics, science and a language — a fall of 4 percentage points from 2002.

I wonder whether, if instead of increasing public spending on state schooling in the manner pledged, the government were to award to parents of pupils at them who obtained good GCSE grades in these subjects a sum of £2,000 for each year their child had attended one, there would not soon be a spectacular and demonstrable improvement in the attainment levels of state schools at far less cost to the taxpayer.

June 15, 2006

England has something more to celebrate today than getting through to the next round of the World Cup

At last the People couldn’t bear it any longer, so they said to the Barons (who were now Noble English Gentlemen): “We really can’t stand this misery any more. Won’t you do something?”

“Well,” said the Barons, “we can’t put up with him any longer either, so we’ll see what we can do for you.”

Then the Barons got together and talked.

“Suppose,” said one of them, “that we made a List of all the things he must do and all the things he mustn’t do. Then we could take it to him and make him Seal it with the Great Seal and make it a law. Perhaps that would make him behave better.”

“That’s a good idea,” said the others. “We’ll try it.” So they made a List and in it they put things like:

You are not to put anyone in prison unless he has done something wrong.

Even if he has really done something wrong you are not to put him in prison until you have taken him to a Just Judge and had him Judged.

You are not to take away a Farmer’s Ploughs and Carts and things that he needs for farming.

You are not to take away a workman’s hammer or chisel or anything he needs to do his work with.

These are just a few of the things the Barons put in their List. But you can see what a bad King John was when they had to put in things like that. There were lots more things in the List, so they called it the Great Writing, or Magna Carta.”

So wrote Henrietta Elizabeth Marshall about what happened in England on 15 June 1215 some 791 years ago. She did so in her 1937 re-working of Our Island Story written for still younger children and published under the playful title of Kings and Things.

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April 12, 2006

Flying the flag

Ken Livingston is behaving very strangely at the moment and his behaviour invites speculation, but more than anything else one is left wondering if he’s a sandwich short of a picnic. His choreographed insult against intelligence – that the Tiannamen Square massacre was an event comparable to London’s poll tax riots – is merely the latest is a string of public relations bungles that had up to this point focussed on Jews. It is difficult to see what he’s trying to achieve. Has he been seduced by the glamorous dream of the Orient? Is he making the general inference that dictatorial communism in China, with its thousands of political assassinations, concentration camps, not to mention its extreme censorship of the press, is no worse than was Thatcherism in Britain? Is he reaffirming his leftist sympathies so as to endear the Chinese to his particular brand of relativism - or perhaps to sure up his uneasy alliance of Muslim and socialist supporters in this country by defining himself against conservatism and anything Judeo-Christian or otherwise western? Is he just trying to get himself ejected from the Mayoral seat in London? There was a sharp, sarcastic comment piece in The Times earlier in the week, and a good leader in the Daily Telegraph.

While Ken does everything he can to discredit Britain, it is worth remembering that today marks the 400th anniversary of the formation of one of the world’s oldest national flags, the Union Jack, which was introduced by James I/VI when he became King of England and Wales as well as of Scotland. It has become one of the best recognised and most highly respected brands in the world – not to mention a fashion item (perhaps the most famous instance was Geri Halliwell in a skimpy Union Jack dress in 1997). Apologetic multiculturalists and others generally embarrassed to be British tend to shy away from symbols of corporate national identity. But we should be proud of our nation and proud of our history. The Department for Culture Media & Sport has a list of 16 days when the flag should be flown on government buildings – that could do with being extended to 365.

January 19, 2006

Gordon (Bennett) Brown Beats Drum for Britain

Last Saturday, Chancellor Gordon Brown gave a widely reported keynote speech at a Fabian Society conference on the Future of Britishness in which he was widely reported as having called for a new national public holiday to celebrate all that is good about Britain and Britishness.

That apparent call of Brown’s has sparked off some lively and often amusing letters in the broadsheets from those writing in to offer suggestions.

Many have rightly pointed out, Britain is less in need of any new ones, than appreciation of the value and meaning of existing ones like Guy Fawkes’ Night or the reigning sovereign’s official birthday.

The most amusing suggestion I have come across came in a letter in yesterday’s Times. N.L.Denton wrote to point out that, since the current government ‘has spent the past eight and a half years trying to eliminate any sense of Britishness or pride in Britain, [a]n appropriate day to celebrate the British way of life, culture and values would be the anniversary of the day when this government is voted out of office.’

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June 23, 2005

Why the Left Are Really Against the Retelling of Our lsland Story

our island story dust jacket



CLICK HERE for further details of Our Island Story


 

The Daily Mail and Daily Express today follow the lead of yesterday’s Daily Telegraph by devoting a full page each to reporting and commenting on the decision by Civitas to republish the out-of-print classic children’s history of Britain, Our Island Story, by Henrietta Elizabeth Marshall.

Civitas decided to republish the book so as to make it available to every primary school in the country from concern that today’s schoolchildren receive a raw deal from their study of history through being deprived of acquaintance with the grand narrative sweep of their country’s history that Mrs Marshall so ably supplied.

So enthused was the Telegraph by Civitas’ decision to republish the work that it decided to broaden the appeal Civitas had made to friends for donations towards the costs by inviting its readers to join in making contributions. This they have done enthusiastically and in most splendid fashion, many recalling in the process how inspired they became with history by first reading Marshall’s book.

Indeed, today’s Daily Telegraph contains as equally an enthusiastic paean to the book by Lady Antonia Fraser.

As might be expected, the coverage given by the Mail and Express to the prospect of the republication of ‘Our Island Story’ has been no less positive than that of the Telegraph, although neither saw fit to follow the Telegraph’s example by calling on their readers to contribute financially. Perhaps, they sensed, rightly or wrongly time only will tell, that the target will be reached without need of their doing so.

We should not expect their enthusiasm for the project to carry over to papers like the Guardian and to their readership. Already, misgivings have started to be voiced by those who have expressed concern that, in her book, Mrs Marshall chose to refer to the Maoris whom the British first encountered in New Zealand as ‘savage cannibals’.

Even were Mrs Marshall’s book to have contained no such infelicitous forms of expression, and, arguably, for the period it contains very few indeed and all are easily excisable or amendable so as to bring her book into line with current political sensibilities, Civitas’ decision to make her book more widely known to today’s schoolchildren would still face massive opposition from the same quarter.

For the source of their concern with a book such as hers is altogether different and goes much deeper. Rightly its opponents sense that what the book gives and would give young readers who fall victim to its charms, or victim to any other that purvey a similarly Whig interpretation of our island’s story, is a sense of national identity that these opponents of the book wish bitterly to resist schoolchildren today being given the opportunity to acquire.

Back at the very start of the millennium, well before Civitas’ decision to reprint Mrs. Marshall’s book was even a glimmer in anyone’s eye there, the redoubtable Polly Toynbee had given voice to precisely those sentiments that truly underlie the recently voiced opposition to the idea of republishing and disseminating Marshall’s book.

Here is what Ms Toynbee wrote back in January 2000 in a piece in the Guardian:

‘Everyone delves into the past for convenient emblems that suit their political predilections. National identity is constructed from a confection of selective memories according to political taste…. But does a modern pluralist society need to turn somersaults in an attempt to devise a common national identity at all? …

‘The left is not generally at ease with nationalism. The idea of Englishness makes the good [latter-day welfare-state, not classical-- DC] liberal’s flesh creep…. National pride is unsavoury stuff.

‘[W]e do not want or need definition. All attempts at national definition are bogus, sentimental, ahistorical, dangerously exclusive of some parts of the population, narrowly self-limiting, arrogant, and potentially aggressive.

‘We should stay sceptical about the romance of nationality…. “Our island story” all depends on who the confused “our” is. …To what extent can we be more proud of Shakespeare than a German might be?

‘People everywhere love their own country, just as they love family, home, garden or local landscape… But these strong natural sentiments turn into absurd and potentially dangerous nationalism when elevated into a general theory of the superiority of your own kind, your own people, your own language simply because it is yours.

‘[W]e should … quietly demonstrate an English disdain for nationalism as a meaningful creed. As for our own self-image, the less national navel-gazing the better. Wave no flags, make no claims, try to do the right thing more often than we have in the past.’

Here we have in a nutshell the self-deprecating and relativistic anti-national cosmopolitanism that lies behind present opposition to the republication of Ms Marshall's book and that can no more free itself from the need to draw on a narrative -- in this case a hopelessly bogus one -- to ground its self-hatred and hatred of country that Ms Toynbee wants British schoolchildren not to be inoculated against by being taught the kind of history Henrietta Marshall’s book provides. More than anything, Ms Toynbee dislikes the idea of giving young readers cause for being proud of who they were in being British.

Of the two rival accounts of this country’s history, I prefer Mrs Marshall’s version of events to Ms Toynbee’s any day and rejoice at the prospect that soon every British schoolchild may once again be able to learn of them by reading her book. For what they will come away with having done so is, as Ms Marshall puts it towards the very end of her book, the idea that:

‘From the very beginning of our story you have seen how Britons have fought for freedom, and how step by step they have won it, until at last Britons live under just laws and have themselves the power to make these laws.’ (p.510)

As for Ms. Toynbee’s version of British history, while not wanting to deprive schoolchildren from knowing that it and others exist, when there is fair fight between them all in the arena of ideas, rather than, as at present, the suppression of Mrs Marshall’s version, I have every confidence that they will respond to learning of Ms Toynbee’s version by singing the chorus to a well-known traditional English nursery rhyme that makes allusion to a well-known traditional English afternoon ritual -- provided, that is, they have not also been deprived of opportunity to learn these songs, as well as participate in the ritual of afternoon tea!

June 22, 2005

In defence of history: the Our Island Story appeal

Good news about Civitas’ project to republish H.E. Marshall’s Our Island Story. The Daily Telegraph’s fabulous campaign has been overwhelmingly successful. Within a week, as John Clare points out in today’s ‘Any questions?’, £13,345 has been raised, and the money keeps coming in. One of the lovely things about this article is the sheer enthusiasm of the readers and donors, and the newspaper’s leader, ‘Our story is worth telling’, adds further welcome endorsement.

What the Telegraph appeal shows (as did George Courtauld’s unexpected bestseller, the Pocket Book of Patriotism) is the simple fact that there are many people with a passion for a more unified civic identity in Britain and a desire to place history at the centre of that drive. Numerous research documents have recently recognised the value of history for citizenship, but few are clear about how to deliver the most important (albeit unfashionable) elements in teaching history – the chronology, which makes it intelligible, and the stories, which make it memorable.

Our Island Story is the best example we have been able to find, and that is why we are putting into the arena. It might be old, arid academics might think it is out of date, but they are the ones who are out of date, for children love it, and many parents cherish the excuse to read it to their children, as the Daily Telegraph’s readers’ comments make clear. This is not about hegemony - we are not suggesting it becomes the only resource, we merely wish to offer it as an alternative to the materials currently in schools.

In addition to the Daily Telegraph coverage, Civitas’ Our Island Story appeal was featured on this morning’s Today programme. Among other things there was a revealing report which provided the juxtaposition between a handful of Bangladeshi children who were expressing their profound interest in H.E. Marshall’s story of the murder of the Princes in the Tower, and, staggeringly, their headmistress, not having read it, saying, irrelevantly, that she could not possibly endorse a book that ‘detracted from their self-esteem.’ What?!

In interview, Civitas’ Deputy Director Robert Whelan fielded the questions with his usual panache, and managed to draw from Sean Lang of the Historical Association the concession that it is a ‘very important book’. Mr Lang’s opposition to the book was that ‘it’s of its time, but its time is not now’, which led to him agreeing on the need for a return to narrative history but not wanting to commit to anything other than the need for children to grapple with a plurality of narratives and construct their own narratives – undisputable for older children, but precisely what confuses children of seven or eight years old.

In other fields people are realising that unstructured child-centred learning is failing, but in the subject of history, too many young children still suffer at the hands of people who cling to the mantras of relevance and no-such-thing-as-one-truth. As Robert said this morning, we need to bring back into primary school classrooms a sense of events following other events, and of characters and stories, because ‘you simply cannot understand your country and its institutions if you just do a series of modules about women in ancient Egypt or the condition of the medieval serf.’

June 15, 2005

Our Island Story

our island story dust jacket



CLICK HERE for further details of Our Island Story



In the Guardian on Saturday, Tristram Hunt decided to take up arms against Tim Collins, the obsolete shadow education secretary, by criticising the Conservative history education policy. Now Hunt is an excellent historian, and one with whom we at Civitas have had contact in the past, but the nature of his response to the Conservatives’ desire to combat the ‘yawning gaps’ in the curriculum by emphasising chronology and narrative is curious. For he launches into a rant about the defects of Whig history and cautions against – nay, pours opprobrium on Collins for allegedly advocating – the kind of error perpetrated by the Japanese ministry of education’s omission of Japanese wartime atrocities from its textbooks. But hold your horses sunshine. What makes you assume that any response to higgledy-piggledy and culturally relativistic teaching must necessarily be fascist thought control and the translation of history, the most complex of humanities, into a ‘simple-minded morality play’?

Let’s take stock of the contemporary situation. For a start, the government’s Qualifications and Curriculum Authority has expressed its concerns about the current system’s inadequacies. In its most recent report, it bewails the ‘fragmentation of the learning experience’ – what David Starkey has dubbed the ‘mosaic’ approach – for its failure to inculcate in pupils a basic chronological framework. Not long after the QCA’s report was published, the Historical Association, having been commissioned by the government to audit the way the subject is taught, agreed that the subject is in a profoundly parlous state. Supplementing popular concerns of teachers, parents and academics, the QCA and the Historical Association both referred to the ‘widespread disquiet over what is seen as the gradual narrowing and “Hitlerization” of post-14 history.’ Even despite this, the number of school leavers able to say what Auschwitz was, or even provide precise dates for World War II is alarmingly low. What’s more, in a 2001 survey of 200 pupils, 30 per cent of 11- to 18-year olds thought that Oliver Cromwell fought at the Battle of Hastings; and, three years later, a poll of 1,300 pupils aged 10 to 14 found more than a quarter unable to say which war D-Day was associated with. I’d laugh if I didn’t want to cry.

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