The expression 'to beg the question' has become so widely misused today to mean ‘to raise or give rise to the question’ to have arguably acquired this new connotation as its meaning. In fact, however,the expression is a term of art that derives from the realm of logic where it has another one. There it denotes the fallacy, otherwise known as petitio principii , whereby an abortive attempt is made to establish the truth of some contested proposition by advancing an argument on behalf of its truth that, explicitly or tacitly, assumes the truth of the conclusion in one of its premises, thereby vitiating any probative force the argument might otherwise be supposed to have.
An example of such a fallacy would be seeking to demonstrate Tony Blair to be an honest man by citing his being British and the honesty of all British men. Since the latter universal proposition requires for its truth that Tony Blair be honest, if British, it cannot be legitimately employed in an argument seeking to establish Mr Blair's honesty without his honesty having first been independently established, something that would render otiose the argument in question seeking to establish he was.
Widely tipped front-runner for the Tory Party leadership, shadow education secretary, David Cameron, committed this same fallacy twice in the speech he is reported in today’s papers as due to deliver today at the Policy Exchange in which he calls for tax breaks to support families.
He begged the question twice in that part of his speech in which he argued that, because it is demonstrable (i)that children do better if their mother and father are both there to bring them up , and (ii) that married couples stay together longer than unmarried ones, therefore (iii) there is a strong case for marriage being supported by the tax system.
Assuming we want children born in this country to do in life as well as possible, and assuming also, as premise (i) of Mr Cameron’s argument asserts, that, on the whole, children do best in life when brought up by both their natural parents together, there would be a strong case for the tax system being made to support the institution of marriage, provided most children were conceived or at least born to married couples, and provided, conversely, most people who married went on to have children.
Neither proviso shows signs of holding true for much longer, however much some might wish they both would. Thus, Mr Cameron might be said to have begged the question when arguing in favour of marriage being fiscally supported by having assumed it to be within marriage that most parents begat their children, and by also assuming that most couples got married with the intention, or effect, of their having children together.
Neither assumption seems likely to hold true for much longer, as a greater and greater proportion of children continue to be conceived and born in Britian to parents outside of wedlock, and more and more homosexual and lesbian couples call for, and seem increasingly likely to gain, the same fiscal and other legal benefits as were in the past the exclusive preserve of heterosexual couples upon marriage.
Homosexual and lesbian partnerships tend to be childless, or else, where one of the partners has a child they both then raise, these children grow up in the absence of one of their parents.
In so far as, by going through the formalities of some analogous knot-tying ceremony, homosexual couples succeed in becoming eligble for whatever fiscal and other legal benefits were formerly the exclsuive preserve of heterosexual married couples, then heterosexual couples who choose to remain unmarried will have just cause to complain of being victimised, if denied the same benefits. This is especially so, if they should go on to have children and if the rationale cited for such benefits is to encourage parents to stay together foer the sake of their children.
Why, they will ask, should their life-style choices be any less fiscally favoured than those of childless homosexual couples?