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Sharia Law or 'One Law For All'? Sharia law is a distillation of rulings that purport to represent the divine diktat in all worldly affairs. It provides injunctions for the conduct of criminal, public and even international law. Marriage and divorce, the custody of children, alimony, sexual impropriety and much else come within its remit. Sharia courts are operating in Britain, handing down rulings that may be inappropriate to this country, being linked to elements in Islamic law that are seriously out of step with trends in Western legislation that derive from the values of the Enlightenment and are inherent in modern codes of human rights. Sharia rulings contain great potential for controversy and may involve acts contrary to UK legal norms and human rights legislation. Denis MacEoin argues against the wider use of sharia law. As David Green says in his introduction, equality under the law, regardless of race, gender or religion, is the bedrock of Western civilisation: take it away and you disrupt the whole edifice. Women are not equal in sharia law and, for many Muslims, sharia courts are in practice part of an institutionalised atmosphere of intimidation, backed up by the ultimate sanction of a death threat: 'Nothing less will suffice than the exclusion of sharia courts from recognition under Britain's Arbitration Act of 1996.' |
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Failing to Figure: Whitehall's costly neglect of statistical reasonsing As the size and scope of government grows, so do the resources allocated to public services. But how are decisions taken when departments are sharing out very large pots of money? How do we know that allocations are fair or reasonable? In "Failing to Figure" Mervyn Stone examines the process and finds it lacking in transparency, and even common sense. Government departments put the calculations relating to their policies out to contract, usually to universities, and the bids are assessed by committees that are described as 'independent', but which largely consist of public sector employees directly involved with the outcome. The whole process is shrouded in secrecy: the public may not know who has been asked to tender, which proposals have been turned down or why the winning tender was accepted. Mervyn Stone argues that this level of secrecy is undesirable, particularly when billions of pounds of public money are involved. He offers examples of failures in public policy relating to the National Health Service, police forces and local authorities, and shows how these failures emerge from a dysfunctional machinery of government that implicates ministers, civil servants and their contracted advisers, consultants and experts. Professor Stone also argues that the process is compromising the integrity of the universities that participate. To stay in business, universities have to compete for lucrative government contracts. Loyalty to their institution can tempt academics to remain knowingly silent on contestable issues they could help to resolve. In place of the present system, he recommends wider consultation, more openness and the publication of the reasons for accepting the winning tender. |
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Disunited Kingdom: How the Government's Community Cohesion Agenda Undermines British Identity and Nationhood For many years, faith schools were popular and uncontroversial. Parents like them, and they produce better-than-average results. However, the riots that broke out in some British cities in 2001, followed by the terrorist atrocities of 9/11 and 7/7, have focused attention on the danger of allowing young people to grow up in ghettoes, separated from the mainstream of society. Faith schools have consequently been blamed for damaging social cohesion. In "Disunited Kingdom David" Conway examines the claims made against faith schools and finds them to be without foundation, whilst acknowledging that some schools run by fundamentalist Muslim groups give legitimate cause for concern. He goes on to argue that the government's community cohesion agenda, based on pressurising members of different groups to mix with each other, may be ineffective and even counter-productive. The new Identity and Diversity strand added to citizenship education seems designed to undermine any sense of common belonging or national pride. What schools should be doing is teaching British history properly and making sure that pupils are fluent in English. The dominant native language and culture should be privileged in schools. We also need to see evidence that Ofsted is taking seriously the threat to social cohesion presented by a minority of fundamentalist Muslim schools. The main threats to community cohesion in Britain today come from mass immigration and the radicalisation of young British-born Muslims. The Government alone has the capacity to deal with these threats, but chooses to pursue a less troublesome and less effective strategy instead. |
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From Two Cultures to No Culture: C. P. Snow's Two Cultures Lecture Fifty Years on In 1959 C.P. Snow delivered the annual Rede Lecture in Cambridge under the title of 'The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution'. Snow warned of a gap that had opened up between scientists and the 'literary intellectuals' that made it almost impossible for the two groups to communicate. Snow complained that literary intellectuals were not only ignorant of science but contemptuous of it, as if scientific knowledge were unnecessary for a good education. Snow believed that improvements in the teaching of science were required in order to address the world's greatest problems, and that both the USA and the USSR were ahead of Britain in that respect. Snow spoke with the authority of a man with a foot in both camps, as a trained research scientist and a successful novelist, and his lecture provoked worldwide coverage. However, in 1962 it received an extraordinary response from the influential literary critic F.R. Leavis, who delivered an attack on Snow of unprecedented ferocity. The Snow/Leavis controversy has provoked debate ever since between the supporters of both men's positions as to the real purpose of education. Should science or the humanities be given precedence? Should education aim at the moral formation of the individual or address the world's practical problems? This volume contains two of the most articulate expositions of each point of view, by Roger Kimball and Raymond Tallis. Frank Furedi considers the implications of Snow's lecture for the current education debate, while Robert Whelan argues that the choice is no longer between two cultures but between an education system based on academic rigour and no culture at all. |
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Music, Chess and other Sins: Segregation, Integration, and Muslim Schools in Britain Some Muslim schools in Britain have become part of a battleground for the heart and soul of Islam. Public debate tends to focus on the distinction between violent extremists and non-violent or moderate Muslims, whereas there are a vast number of differences depending especially on country of origin. Any classification is in danger of over-simplification but for present purposes four groups are important: violent extremists; religious fundamentalists who are Koranic literalists but not violent; liberal Muslims who want to reform Islam to make it compatible with liberal democracy; and secular Muslims who were born to Islam and maintain some links, perhaps out of respect for their parents, just as many British people put CofE on official forms but only rarely attend church. The schools that give cause for concern are not all schools, but those being run by religious fundamentalists. Their aim is to capture the next generation of Muslims for fundamentalism and to turn children away, not only from Western influence, but also from liberal and secular Muslims, whom they despise perhaps with greater vehemence than non Muslims. As quotations throughout this report show, many of the individuals and organizations associated with these schools harbour beliefs that must be repugnant both to moderate Muslims and to the rest of the public. Natural justice demands the schools be given a chance to defend themselves and so the report calls for immediate, thorough and genuinely independent inspections to be carried out. |
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Individualists Who Cooperate: Education and Welfare Reform Befitting a Free People The poor performance of Britain's public services is a frequent cause of contention, with political parties making large promises and pouring ever greater amounts of money into them. In "Individualists Who Co-operate" David Green argues that, after record increases in funding, the theory that failures in public services are due to the fact that we are not spending enough has been tested to destruction: the problem resides in the fact that we have now reached the limits of effective political action. The government is trying to do too much. We need to reframe the constitutional settlement that defines the relationship between the state and the individual in civil society. The state should be confined to the legitimate tasks that are within its competence, thus allowing greater scope for private enterprise and social entrepreneurs to supply public services more effectively. At the moment, most people in the middle-income bracket pay roughly the same amount in taxes as they receive in services. It would be more efficient to leave them with their own money to spend as they see fit. David Green argues that, with regard to welfare dependency, the guiding principle should not be 'no one should ever be poor', but that 'no one who works hard should be poor'. He recommends reforming the benefits system so that more people are brought into the workforce full-time. For many years the state-run education system has failed the least fortunate children, a failure David Green attributes to inherent flaws in the political process, especially the over-concentration of power and the suppression of social entrepreneurs. He recommends that the government should transfer state schools to the independent sector, introduce vouchers and make it easier for new schools to open. The challenge is to create a sphere of public liberty in which private individuals can pursue the common good in co-operation with one another. |
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Total Recall: How Direct Democracy Can Improve Britain Members of Parliament have traditionally enjoyed total legislative supremacy in the United Kingdom, able to pass or rescind any law of the land. Most citizens of Britain probably think that this is still the case. However, in this worrying examination of the dilution of the sovereignty of parliament by its own members, Nick Cowen shows how they have slowly ceded their powers to ministers, government agencies and the European Union. In 2006, parliament almost abolished itself by accident. Many of the laws that govern the lives of people in Britain are made by people who never have to stand for election, and who may not even live in the country. This is a serious threat to the Mother of Parliaments, and to the liberty of the people. However, given the craven willingness of MPs to delegate their powers, what is the remedy? Direct democracy, as developed in Switzerland and especially the USA, allows citizens to stay in charge even after Election Day. Through the use of referendums, initiatives, recalls, termlimits, local charters and grand juries, citizens are able to put a break on bad laws, dispose of politicians who betray their election promises and eject officials found helping themselves from the public purse. Nick Cowen argues that we should introduce these mechanisms to the UK to ensure a more accountable government and, more importantly, a government that can't hand its powers to anyone other than back to the people of Britain. |
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Checking-Up on Doctors: A
Review of the Quality and Outcomes Framework for General Practitioners The Quality and Outcomes Framework (QOF) links up to a third of general practice income to achievement against a series of quality indicators. While it has delivered benefits in the treatment of conditions included, the net benefit is unclear. There is evidence that the financial incentive is diverting attention away from other conditions and harming the relationship between GPs and patients. |
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Inspecting the Inspectorate: Ofsted under scrutiny "Inspecting the Inspectorate" presents a broad variety of informed perspectives in response to the question: 'what is currently working in Ofsted's school inspections and what is not?'. The views range from those of a practising school inspector, to the head teacher of a primary school deemed by Ofsted to be 'outstanding'; the head teacher of a struggling school; an academic specialist on systems of school inspection; the general secretary of a teachers' union; a parent who led an action group to protest against the Ofsted judgement their child's school received; a senior reporter for the "Times Educational Supplement"; a representative from the Steiner Waldorf Schools Fellowship; and, the former "Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Schools" under Ofsted's predecessor, "Her Majesty's Inspectorate". This collection of essays sets out the weaknesses in the current school inspection regime and the changes urgently required if Ofsted is to contribute to raising educational standards. |
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The
Butterfly Grammar 'The Butterfly Grammar' has been written as the sequel and companion to 'The Butterfly Book'. It takes children to the next stage, from being able to read fluently to being able to express themselves correctly both in writing and in speaking. "The Butterfly Grammar" sets out, in clear lessons that are designed for young learners, the rules that govern the way in which we form sentences. Parts of speech, tenses of verbs, punctuation and sentence structure are all dealt with in this child-friendly introduction to the rules of grammar. The rules are illustrated by means of short stories, including the further adventures of Ponti Panda. |
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Licensed to Hug Since the establishment of the Criminal Records Bureau in 2002, more than a third of British adults have had to get a certificate to say they are safe to be near children, and the numbers affected are increasing. Frank Furedi and Jennie Bristow argue that the growth of police vetting has created a sense of mistrust. Communities are forged through the joint commitment of adults to the socialisation of children. Now, adults are afraid to interact with any child not their own. The generations are becoming distant, as adults suspect each other and children are taught to suspect adults. The vetting culture encourages risk aversion: there is a feeling that it is better to ignore young people, even if they are behaving in an anti-social manner, and even if they are in trouble and need help, rather than risk accusations of improper conduct.Vetting also gives a false sense of security as it can only identify those who have offended in the past and been caught - not what people will do after they are passed as fit to be near children. "Licensed to Hug" argues for a more common-sense approach to adult/child relations, based on the assumption that the vast majority of adults can be relied on to help and support children, and that the healthy interaction between generations enriches children's lives. |
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Swedish Lessons: How schools with more freedom can deliver better education Improving the educational outcomes of children from low-income backgrounds is crucial to tackling Britain's lack of social mobility. However, after more than a decade of New Labour's initiatives, and with spending on education now at record levels in real terms, the gap between low-income children and middle-class children has actually widened. Middle-class parents can exercise choice to a greater degree than low-income parents. Some opt out of the state system altogether and choose independent schools. Many more make sure they are living within the catchment areas of good state schools, and use their social skills to negotiate the increasingly complex admission procedures.Other nations organise things differently. The Swedes have developed an approach to education that provides choice for all parents, regardless of income. Funding follows the child, and parents can choose which school their child attends. Independent providers, either charitable or commercial, can receive payment from the state on the same terms as state schools. The results have been impressive. In areas where independent providers operate, standards are driven up in all schools. Children with special educational needs and children of immigrants have benefited noticeably. The policy, introduced in 1992, is well established and popular with parents. In "Swedish Lessons", Nick Cowen asks what we can learn from the experience of a country with strong egalitarian values that has successfully incorporated the mechanism of choice into its educational provision. |
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The Public and the Police Expenditure on the police force is at record levels but there is widespread public dissatisfaction and a steep increase in complaints against the police. Police are rarely seen in their communities. It is hard to get them to respond to reports of crime; investigations are lacklustre and often abandoned. The public have no power to influence policing. All decisions are taken by politicians, but there is no accountability within the system. Centralisation has led to the introduction of targets. Bonuses are paid to senior officers based on compliance with targets. In order to achieve the required level of detections, police officers pursue those who will yield easy convictions, such as speeding motorists or high-spirited students, rather than the serious and persistent offenders who are destroying the quality of life in communities. Police officers swear an oath of allegiance to the Queen, not the Prime Minister. Unlike many other police forces, British police were not intended to be servants of the state, but of the communities they serve. Their powers are personal, used at their own discretion and derived from the crown. This essential feature of British policing, policing by consent, is now in jeopardy. |
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Second Thoughts on the Family The premise of both New Labour and Conservative policy is that people not living in married two-parent families are choosing not to. This signifies positive diversity to Labour and a decline in family values to the Conservatives. Both miss a critical reality: that high marriage rates are characteristic of the middle and upper classes, whereas family instability is concentrated amongst those on low incomes. The true divide on the family is about poverty not politics. New research evidence collected for this book shows that most people want the same things, regardless of their politics, class or sexuality. Committed couple-parenting is seen to be the ideal. Therefore, in a liberal, secular society, marriage is a majority aspiration because it is seen to signify commitment. Focusing on the New Labour government, Second Thoughts on the Family demonstrates the way in which Labour's nominally inclusive position is actually harming those it seeks to support. Drawing on a specially commissioned opinion poll and 27 interviews with opinion-formers, Second Thoughts on the Family presents a new way of thinking about family policy that transcends all divides. |
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Quite Like Heaven? Options for the NHS in a consumer age We have become avid consumers of healthcare. We want the freedom to choose the best treatments; we demand the highest quality of service and outcomes; and we will not tolerate a health service that does not deliver. To add to these raised expectations, medical and technological developments are increasing the scope of what can be treated; but new and expensive ways of keeping people alive for longer have profound implications for the NHS. In this important new publication, Nick Seddon argues compellingly that it is out of respect for the founding principles of the NHS - to provide universal and comprehensive health care - not to mention better care, that it must embrace fundamental, market-based, reform. |
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The Butterfly
Book 'The Butterfly Book' offers a self-contained course in reading and writing that introduces the 44 sounds of the English language and teaches children how to blend them into syllables and words. By the end of this course, a child will not just have learnt an essential vocabulary but will also have all the keys to unlocking the whole of English language and literature, giving that child the single most important advantage in all other areas of education. |
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The
Corruption of the Curriculum In 'Corruption of the Curriculum', the authors - all of whom write from years of practical experience in the classroom - argue that the school curriculum has been corrupted by political interference. Subjects in the school curriculum used to be regarded as discrete areas of knowledge, which would be imparted to pupils by teachers motivated by a love of learning. This has not been enough for recent governments, who see schools as a means of promoting social and political goals that may or may not relate to traditional academic disciplines. This has given us geography as a vehicle for environmentalism; history that neglects major events and personalities; science classes in which pupils discuss global warming without having the knowledge base on which to make an informed judgement; language classes that are supposed to boost international competitiveness but leave the literature and cultures of other countries unexamined; English classes in which the love of language is trumped by the ethnicity and gender of authors; and maths in which basic concepts such as fractions are repeated year after year without ever having enough time to sink in. The contributors to this book argue that we need to return to the traditional view of education as a means of transmitting a body of knowledge from one generation to the next, and that academic rigour and respect for the professionalism of teachers should take precedence over political manipulation of the curriculum. |
