Yesterday saw the launch of Reform Section 5, a new civil liberties campaign that aims to reform the Public Order Act so that it no longer has a chilling effect on free speech and debate in the UK. What was particularly laudable was its broad base of support, featuring both the Christian Institute and the National Secular Society. These two groups might rarely agree on policies, but have come together because of their shared interest in protecting robust public debate. Section 5 of the Public Order Act isn’t the only legislative threat to free speech in the UK but it has been one of the most misused laws in public spaces in recent years. Reforming the law to reduce its scope could also free police time to detect and sanction property and violent crime instead.
Free speech is a core component of civil society and Civitas has published a number of reports defending this pre-requisite to liberal democracy: most recently, A New Inquisition by Jon Gower Davies. It was favourably reviewed by both christians and secularists when it was released in 2010. It is available in print and on Kindle.

By Anna Sonny
On May 6, the French elected Francois Hollande as their new President, only the second Socialist leader to succeed at the polls under France’s Fifth Republic. Promises of growth instead of austerity, combined with the ever-increasing unpopularity of Nicolas Sarkozy, gained Hollande 52.7% of the French vote.

Francois Hollande celebrates his success at the polls (Zimbio.com)
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By David Conway
Only actions, not words, can break bones. People can, however, be just as badly damaged by hateful things said about them. So why should not the criminal law be made to protect people as much from malicious words as from physical assault?
I raise this question in light of a common reaction that I have discerned among several North American commentators to news of the recent acquittal by the Danish Supreme Court on hate crime charges of free-speech campaigner Lars Hedegaard.
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Britain’s financial regulators have been co-opted into protecting major banks from competition, according to a new Civitas report. The result is that big banks can get away with reducing lending to businesses and offering poor service to customers, without the risk of losing accounts to competitors.
Street Cred, by Stephen L. Clarke, examines how financial regulations, introduced to protect consumers, have, ironically, been wielded to defend the market position of big commercial banks against new entrants. Clarke uses examples of successful local banks in parts of Europe to show how a rejuvenated local banking sector could more effectively serve British businesses and consumers.

This week, Russell Brand held court before the Home Affairs Select Committee, causing a bit of a media stir by appearing in a torn vest and a black hat. Perhaps somewhat overshadowed by his theatrical appearance were his proposals for tackling drug use which represent a blend of harm-reduction and full recovery policies. These approaches have often been presented as diametrically opposed, but increasingly policy-makers and practitioners seem willing to combine the two, drawing on the strengths of each.
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By Lucy Hatton
The collapse of the Netherlands centre-right coalition government marks the latest in a long line of Eurozone governments to be brought to its knees by the debt crisis plaguing the EU. The implementation of austerity measures proved too much for the government of Prime Minister Mark Rutte, which has been in power since October 2010, and consequently, the future of the fiscal compact has been brought into question.
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